society. According to this approach, the communities practicing shifting cultivation have primitive and elementary forms of technology and simple forms of social organization. On the other hand, the communities with the permanent cultivation have advanced forms of technology and a complex form of society”. But Dhakal’s (1999) study suggests that these two different types of agriculture have been carried out by the same community at the same time. Labor institution (parma system) conducts the agricultural task for both the permanent and shifting cultivation. Labor arrangement system is one of the issues of shifting cultivation among others in which research is not conducted in social science, especially in anthropology. Studies on Khoriya Kheti through cultural perspective are not adequate in the context of Nepal. Labor arrangement aspect, which carries anthropological significance of shifting cultivation, is a very new issue in research field. It is frequently impossible for a single family to provide agricultural labor needs. Even in cases where the labor power exists, matters of convenience or the desire for company brings people from separate households together for work (Fricke, 1993). The practice of shifting cultivation in Nepal is characterized by a highly labor intensive and land extensive form of cultivation (Shrestha, 1989). Parma (reciprocal exchange of labor), guhar (voluntary help), Jhyala nimek (paid labor), attached labor (haliya/kamaiya system, resident farm servants, non –residence farm servants, yearly contract tenant labor), patron client arrangement (jajamani, bista, bali system) are different types of such labor arrangement practices prevailing in Nepali society (Dhakal, 2007). Sharecropping (adhiya or kut), labor parties or group labor (baure, nogar), gift labor (sahayog or madat), governmental conscripted or obligatory labor (sramadhan, beggar, hanseri) and slavery or a period of indentured servitude (kamara, kam garaune) labor arrangement systems also prevail in Nepalese society (Fortier, 1993). These distinct, yet overlapping, indigenous labor relations contribute to understanding Nepalese social status. Labor exchange practices including simple labor exchange, group labor, and patron-client (jajamani) are practiced in rural regions of this country and they are integrated to agricultural production. Moreover, indigenous knowledge, skills, social cohesion are embedded to the labor arrangement system (Ibid).
32 years in coma, she is a nurse in India on Monday has died.
society. According to this approach, the communities practicing shifting cultivation have primitive and elementary forms of technology and simple forms of social organization. On the other hand, the communities with the permanent cultivation have advanced forms of technology and a complex form of society”. But Dhakal’s (1999) study suggests that these two different types of agriculture have been carried out by the same community at the same time. Labor institution (parma system) conducts the agricultural task for both the permanent and shifting cultivation. Labor arrangement system is one of the issues of shifting cultivation among others in which research is not conducted in social science, especially in anthropology. Studies on Khoriya Kheti through cultural perspective are not adequate in the context of Nepal. Labor arrangement aspect, which carries anthropological significance of shifting cultivation, is a very new issue in research field. It is frequently impossible for a single family to provide agricultural labor needs. Even in cases where the labor power exists, matters of convenience or the desire for company brings people from separate households together for work (Fricke, 1993). The practice of shifting cultivation in Nepal is characterized by a highly labor intensive and land extensive form of cultivation (Shrestha, 1989). Parma (reciprocal exchange of labor), guhar (voluntary help), Jhyala nimek (paid labor), attached labor (haliya/kamaiya system, resident farm servants, non –residence farm servants, yearly contract tenant labor), patron client arrangement (jajamani, bista, bali system) are different types of such labor arrangement practices prevailing in Nepali society (Dhakal, 2007). Sharecropping (adhiya or kut), labor parties or group labor (baure, nogar), gift labor (sahayog or madat), governmental conscripted or obligatory labor (sramadhan, beggar, hanseri) and slavery or a period of indentured servitude (kamara, kam garaune) labor arrangement systems also prevail in Nepalese society (Fortier, 1993). These distinct, yet overlapping, indigenous labor relations contribute to understanding Nepalese social status. Labor exchange practices including simple labor exchange, group labor, and patron-client (jajamani) are practiced in rural regions of this country and they are integrated to agricultural production. Moreover, indigenous knowledge, skills, social cohesion are embedded to the labor arrangement system (Ibid).
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